I support Kathleen Parker’s column (“Privacy vs. Security,” 01/02, Opinion) regarding the necessity of tracking our enemies.
Only the obtuse would want to limit the government’s ability to spy on those whose intent is to destroy us.
It’s obvious that The New York Times and others, as well as certain politicians, have made mountains out of molehills with this civil-rights issue.
I do business internationally via fax, e-mail and telephone. If the NSA has spied on me, so what? It’s a legitimate business doing nothing unethical, illegal or subversive. Therefore, I have nothing to fear or hide.
If those opposed to the surveillance were to have their way, it would be much easier for terrorists to set off a major attack. Then, my rights will have been violated.
William A. Brown
Kansas City
Kathleen Parker’s column was very disturbing. Over the years, a million soldiers have died to ensure our “decency,” including the right to privacy. In the mid-1970s Congress established a secret court specifically to hear domestic spying requests from the intelligence community. This court was the direct result of the abuses by the Nixon White House, where our current vice president and secretary of defense cut their political teeth. Their excuse then was national security, and that we were at war.
Since the court’s inception, it has denied only a handful of requests. The law allows the intelligence community to spy on U.S. citizens for up to 3 days before having to show just cause to the court. If the law is flawed, the administration has an obligation ask the Supreme Court or Congress for redress.
By ignoring both, Bush has violated the very Constitution he swore to uphold.
Richard Bailey
Merriam
George Bush’s claims of a right to eavesdrop on American citizens without a warrant are essentially the same as King Charles I’s pronouncements to parliament in the 1600s that the king could do no wrong. Parliament disabused him of that notion by separating his head from his body.
The Supreme Court of the United States ruled similarly in Ex parte Milligan, an 1866 case decided on the heels of the Civil War. The court found that the president could not justify setting aside the constitution or laws “based on the mandate of the President; because he is controlled by law, and has his appropriate sphere of duty, which is to execute, not to make, the laws.”
The Constitution forbids warrantless search. The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 specifies that “no person” may set warrantless wiretaps and to do so is a felony.
The willful commissions of continuing felonies by George W. Bush fall under the high crimes and misdemeanors spoken of in the Constitution. The remedy is impeachment.
Robert Lewis
Independence